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On 15th May 2011, around 150,000 people took to the streets in 60

Spanish towns and cities to demand “Real Democracy Now”, marching

under the slogan “We are not commodities in the hands of bankers and

politicians”. The protest was organised through web-based social

networks without the involvement of any major unions or political

parties. At the end of the march some people decided to stay the night

at the Plaza del Sol in Madrid. They were forcefully evacuated by the

police in the early hours of the morning. This, in turn, generated a

mass call for everyone to occupy his or her local squares that

thousands all over Spain took up. As we write, 65 public squares are

being occupied, with support protests taking place in Spanish

Embassies from Buenos Aires to Vienna and, indeed, London. You

probably have not have read about it in the British press, but it is

certainly happening. Try #spanishrevolution, #yeswecamp, #nonosvamos

or #acampadasol on Twitter and see for yourself. What follows is a

text by Emmanuel Rodríguez and Tomás Herreros from the Spanish

collective Universidad Nómada.




IT’S THE REAL DEMOCRACY, STUPID 15TH May, from Outrage to Hope




There is no doubt that Sunday 15th May 2011 has come to mark a turning

point: from the web to the street, from conversations around the

kitchen table to mass mobilisations, but more than anything else, from

outrage to hope. Tens of thousands of people, ordinary citizens

responding to a call that started and spread on the internet, have

taken the streets with a clear and promising demand: they want a real

democracy, a democracy no longer tailored to the greed of the few, but

to the needs of the people. They have been unequivocal in their

denunciation of a political class that, since the beginning of the

crisis, has run the country by turning away from them and obeying the

dictates of the euphemistically called “markets”.




We will have to watch over the next weeks and months to see how this

demand for real democracy now takes shape and develops. But everything

seems to point to a movement that will grow even stronger. The

clearest sign of its future strength comes from the taking over of

public squares and the impromptu camping sites that have appeared in

pretty much every major Spanish town and city. Today––four days after

the first march––social networks are bursting with support for the

movement, a virtual support that is bolstered by its resonance in the

streets and squares. While forecasting where this will take us is

still too difficult, it is already possible to advance some questions

that this movement has put on the table.




Firstly, the criticisms that have been raised by the 15th May Movement

are spot on. A growing sector of the population is outraged by

parliamentary politics as we have come to known them, as our political

parties are implementing it today––by making the weakest sectors of

society pay for the crisis. In the last few years we have witnessed

with a growing sense of disbelief how the big banks received millions

in bail-outs, while cuts in social provision, brutal assaults on basic

rights and covert privatisations ate away at an already skeletal

Spanish welfare state. Today, none doubts that these politics are a

danger to our present and our immediate future. This outrage is made

even more explicit when it is confronted by the cowardice of

politicians, unable to put an end to the rule of the financial world.

Where did all those promises to give capitalism a human face made in

the wake of the sub-prime crisis go? What happened to the idea of

abolishing tax havens? What became of the proclamation that the

financial system would be brought under control? What of the plans to

tax speculative gains and the promise to stop tax benefits for the

highest earners?




Secondly, the 15th May Movement is a lot more than a warning to the

so-called Left. It is possible (in fact it is quite probable) that on

22nd May, when local and regional elections take place in Spain, the

left will suffer a catastrophic defeat. If that were the case, it

would be only be a preamble to what would happen in the general

elections. What can be said today without hesitation is that the

institutional left (parties and major unions) is the target of a

generalised political disaffection due to its sheer inability come up

with novel solutions to this crisis. This is where the two-fold

explanation of its predicted electoral defeat lies. On the one hand,

its policies are unable to step outside a completely tendentious way

of reading the crisis that, to this day, accepts that the problem lies

in the scarcity of our resources. Let’s say it loud and clear: no such

a problem exists, there is no lack of resources, the real problem is

the extremely uneven way in which wealth is distributed, and financial

“discipline” is making this problem even more acute every passing day.

Where are the infinite benefits of the real estate bubble today? Where

are the returns of such ridiculous projects as the airports in

Castellón or Lleida, to name but a few? Who is benefiting from the

gigantic mountain of debt crippling so many families and individuals?

The institutional left has been unable to stand on the side of, and

work with, the many emerging movements that are calling for freedom

and democracy. Who can forgive Zapatero’s words when the proposal to

accept the dación de pago# was rejected by parliament on the basis

that it could “jeopardise the solvency of the Spanish financial

system”? Who was he addressing with these words? The millions of

people enslaved by their mortgages or the interests of major banks?

And what can we say of their indecent law of intellectual property,

the infamous Ley Sinde? Was he standing with those who have given

shape to the web or with those who plan to make money out of it, as if

culture was just another commodity? If the institutional left

continues to ignore social movements, if it refuses to break away from

a script written by the financial and economic elites and fails to

come out with a plan B that could lead us out of the crisis, it will

stay in opposition for a very long time. There is no time for more

deferrals: either they change or they will lose whatever social

legitimation they still have to represent the values they claim to

stand for. Thirdly, the 15th May Movement reveals that far from being

the passive agents that so many analysts take them to be, citizens

have been able to organise themselves in the midst of a profound

crisis of political representation and institutional abandonment. The

new generations have learnt how to shape the web, creating new ways of

“being together”, without taking recourse to ideological clichés,

armed with a savvy pragmatism, escaping from pre-conceived political

categories and big bureaucratic apparatuses. We are witnessing the

emergence of new “majority minorities” that demand democracy in the

face of a war “of all against all” and the idiotic atomisation

promoted by neoliberalism, one that demands social rights against the

logic of privatisation and cuts imposed by the economical powers. And

it is quite possible that at this juncture old political goals will be

of little or no use. Hoping for an impossible return to the fold of

Estate, or aiming for full employment––like the whole spectrum of the

Spanish parliamentary left seems to be doing––is a pointless task.

Reinventing democracy requires, at the very least, pointing to new

ways of distributing wealth, to citizenship rights for all regardless

of where they were born (something in keeping with this globalised

times), to the defence of common goods (environmental resources, yes,

but also knowledge, education, the internet and health) and to

different forms of self-governance that can leave behind the

corruption of current ones.




Finally, it is important to remember that the 15th May Movement is

linked to a wider current of European protests triggered as a reaction

to so-called “austerity” measures. These protests are shaking up the

desert of the real, leaving behind the image of a formless and silent

mass of European citizens that so befits the interests of political

and economical elites. We are talking here of campaigns like the

British UKUncut against Cameron’s policies, of the mass mobilisations

of Geraçao a Rasca in Portugal, or indeed of what took place in

Iceland after the people decided not to bail out the bankers. And, of

course, inspiration is found above all in the Arab Uprising, the

democratic revolts in Egypt and Tunisia who managed to overthrow their

corrupt leaders.




Needless to say, we have no idea what the ultimate fate of the 15th

May Movement will be. But we can definitely state something at this

stage, now we have at least two different routes out of this crisis:

implementing yet more cuts or constructing a real democracy. We know

what the first one has delivered so far: not only has it failed to

bring back any semblance of economic “normality”, it has created an

atmosphere of “everyman for himself”, a war of all against all. The

second one promises an absolute and constituent democracy, all we can

say about it is that it has just begun and that is starting to lay

down its path. But the choice seems clear to us, it is down this path

that we would like to go.




Tomás Herreros and Emmanuel Rodríguez (Universidad Nómada)




(hurriedly translated by Yaiza Hernández Velázquez)




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